
One will have to wait for its blueprint to see how it plans to take the country forward. However, experience of co-operatives in India is a mixed bag, more of failures and only few successes.
It was an indirect admission of the failure of socialist state with all its controls on the economy.
July is an important month in India’s economic history. On July 24, 1991, India decided to unshackle the spirit of private sector entrepreneurship through a major delicensing-of-industry move, and reducing tariffs on a host of commodities. It was an indirect admission of the failure of socialist state with all its controls on the economy. Despite bitter debate and doubts about this new directional move, Indian economy started revving up. In the years since, especially over the last two decades, India registered almost double the ‘Hindu rate of growth of 3.5%’ (a term coined by late Raj Krishna). It was done with humility, by an academic-turned-finance minister, Manmohan Singh, with due political support from PV Narasimha Rao.
In 1991, Manmohan Singh also delicensed the dairy sector, but stiff opposition from Verghese Kurien diluted it to partial delicensing through the Milk and Milk Products Order of 1992. It was only after 10 years, in 2002, that the dairy sector was fully delicensed by the Atal Bihari Vajpayee government. The developments in the dairy sector since are proof enough that competition between co-operatives and corporate players has benefited millions of milk farmers in the country.
Undoubtedly, Kurien ‘invented’ the original wheel of the Amul model, i.e., collecting milk from millions of small and marginal farmers, processing it, and distributing to consumers. But, with the entry of the private sector, the wheels became wings, and the dairy sector’s growth accelerated. Today, both procure roughly the same quantities and growth in organised private sector is even faster than co-operatives.
The performance of co-operatives in the financial-sector be it rural or urban, is poor-to-average. When it is measured in terms of their share in the overall credit, technology upgradation, NPAs, and even frauds. Urban Cooperative Banks are believed to have undertaken huge transactions during demonetisation, nullifying the expected gains from the exercise. Sugar co-operatives of Maharashtra, initially touted as models of development, are now caving in, and many are being sold out to the private sector. The list is endless.
Co-operatives desperately need technological upgradation. If the ministry of cooperation can give soft loans for innovations and technology upgradation, I have no problem. But, why not extend the same terms to private sector and see the magic of transforming India? A level playing field is critical to see which model suits India best.
There is nothing that is ‘perfect’ in this world. All models have their downsides, but the need is to support the one that relies least on taxpayers’ money. And finally, can the ministry of cooperation ensure the least political interference in the operation of co-operatives? If co-operatives are led by IAS and/or political leaders, without much professionalism, then I am afraid taxpayers will have to foot the bill for someone’s power-capture game.
Financial Express : July 19,2021 written by Ashok Gulati